Київський спіч Буша Старшого

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thrary
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Київський спіч Буша Старшого

Повідомлення thrary » 12 липня 2006 15:27

Хтось може дати лінк або текст?

Там повино було щось накшалт \"Брудних сепаратисткіх комуністичних покидків які намагаються розвалити радянській союз\".

та «американці.. не будуть допомогати тим, хто заохочує самовбивчій націоналізм, народжений межнаціональною ворожнечею».
 

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Chestnut
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Повідомлення Chestnut » 12 липня 2006 15:46

http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/briefing/ ... 2no32.html

Source: President Bush

Description: Remarks to the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian Soviet
Socialist Republic, Kiev, Ukraine, USSR

Date: Aug 1, 19918/1/91

Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements

Region: Eurasia, North America

Country: USSR (former), United States

Subject: Arms Control, Democratization, Trade/Economics

[TEXT]

Well, first [let me] thank all of you for that warm welcome, and may
I take this opportunity to thank all people of Ukraine that gave us
such a warm welcome, such a heartfelt greeting. Every American in
that long motorcade, and believe me it was long, was moved and
touched by the warmth of the welcome of the people of Ukraine.
We'll never forget it.

Chairman Kravchuk, thank you, sir. And to the deputies of the
Soviet Supreme Soviet, may I salute you. Members of the clergy
that are here, members of the diplomatic corps, representatives of
American pharmaceutical and health care corporations who I
understand are with us today, and distinguished guests all, Barbara
and I are delighted to be here--very, very happy.

We have only one regret, and that is that I've got to get home
on Thursday night. I can still make it. The reason is our Congress
goes out tomorrow, finishes the session they're in now, and I felt it
was important to be there on that last day of the final session.

This beautiful city brings to mind the words of the poet
Alexander Dovzhenko: \"The city of Kiev is an orchard. Kiev is a
poet. Kiev is an epic. Kiev is history. Kiev is art.\"

Centuries ago, your forebears named this country Ukraine or
\"frontier\" because your steppes link Europe and Asia. But Ukrainians
have become frontiersmen of another sort. Today you explore the
frontiers and contours of liberty.

Though my stay here is, as I said, far too short, I have come
here to talk with you and to learn. For those who love freedom,
every experiment in building an open society offers new lessons and
insights.

You face an especially daunting task. For years people in this
nation felt powerless, overshadowed by a vast government
apparatus, cramped by forces that attempted to control every
aspect of their lives.

Today your people probe the promise of freedom. In cities and
republics, on farms, in businesses, around university campuses, you
debate the fundamental question of liberty, self-rule, and free
enterprise.

Americans, you see, have a deep commitment to these values.
We follow your progress with a sense of fascination, excitement,
and hope.

This alone is historic. In the past, our nations engaged in
duels of eloquent bluff and bravado. Now the fireworks of
superpower confrontation are giving way to the quieter and far
more hopeful arts of cooperation.

I come here to tell you we support the struggle in this great
country for democracy and economic reform. And I would like to
talk to you today about how the United States views this complex
and exciting period in your history, how we intend to relate to the
central Soviet Government and the republican governments.

In Moscow, I outlined our approach. We will support those in
the center and the republics who pursue freedom, democracy, and
economic liberty. We will determine our support not on the basis of
personalities but on the basis of principles. We cannot tell you how
to reform your society. We will not try to pick winners and losers in
political competition between republics or between republics and
the center. That is your business. That's not the business of the
United States of America.
Востаннє редагувалось Chestnut в 12 липня 2006 15:55, всього редагувалось 1 раз.
\"На гербі зображено ведмедя. В одній руці у ведмедя молоток, а в другій - балалайка. Це символізує працелюбність і незакомплексованість тварюки.\"
 

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Chestnut
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Повідомлення Chestnut » 12 липня 2006 15:49

Do not doubt our real commitment, however, to reform. But do
not think we can presume to solve your problems for you. Theodore
Roosevelt, one of our great presidents, once wrote, \"To be
patronized is as offensive as to be insulted. No one of us cares
permanently to have someone else conscientiously striving to do
him good. What we want is to work with that someone else for the
good of both of us.\" That's what our former president said.

We will work for the good of both of us, which means that we
will not meddle in your internal affairs.

Some people have urged the United States to choose between
supporting President Gorbachev and supporting independence-
minded leaders throughout the USSR. I consider this a false choice.
In fairness, President Gorbachev has achieved astonishing things,
and his policies of glasnost, perestroika, and democratization point
toward the goals of freedom, democracy, and economic liberty.

We will maintain the strongest possible relationship with the
Soviet Government of President Gorbachev, but we also appreciate
the new realities of life in the USSR and, therefore, as a federation
ourselves, we want good relations, improved relations with the
republics.

So let me build upon my comments in Moscow by describing in
more detail what Americans mean when we talk about freedom,
democracy, and economic liberty.

No terms have been abused more regularly nor more cynically
than these. Throughout this century, despots have masqueraded as
democrats. Jailers have posed as liberators. We can restore faith in
government only by restoring meaning to these concepts.

I don't want to sound like I'm lecturing, but let's begin with
the broad term \"freedom.\" When Americans talk of freedom, we
refer to people's ability to live without fear of government
intrusion, without fear of harassment by their fellow citizens,
without restricting others' freedoms.

We do not consider freedom a privilege to be doled out only to
those who hold proper political views or belong to certain groups.
We consider it an inalienable individual right bestowed upon all men
and women. Lord Acton once observed, \"The most certain test by
which we judge whether a country is really free is the amount of
security enjoyed by minorities.\"

Freedom requires tolerance, a concept imbedded in openness,
in glasnost, and in our First Amendment protections for the
freedoms of speech, association, and religion, all religions.

Tolerance nourishes hope. A priest wrote of glasnost: \"Today
more than ever, the words of Paul the apostle spoken 2,000 years
ago ring out: 'They counted us among the dead but look, we are
alive.' \" In Ukraine, in Russia, in Armenia and the Baltics, the spirit
of liberty thrives.

But freedom cannot survive if we let despots flourish or
permit seemingly minor restrictions to multiply until they form
chains, until they form shackles. Later today I'll visit the
monument at Babi Yar, a somber reminder, a solemn reminder of
what happens when people fail to hold back the horrible tide of
intolerance and tyranny.

Yet freedom is not the same as independence. Americans will
not support those who seek independence in order to replace a far-
off tyranny with a local despotism. They will not aid those who
promote a suicidal nationalism based upon ethnic hatred.

We will support those who want to build democracy. By
democracy we mean a system of government in which people may
vie openly for the hearts and, yes, the votes of the public. We mean
a system of government that derives its just power from the
consent of the governed, that retains its legitimacy by controlling
its appetite for power. For years you had elections with ballots but
you did not enjoy democracy. And now democracy has begun to set
firm roots in Soviet soil.

The key to its success lies in understanding government's
proper role and its limits. Democracy is not a technical process
driven by dry statistics. It is the very human enterprise of
preserving freedom so that we can do the important things, the
really important things--raise families, explore our own creativity,
build good and fruitful lives. In modern societies, freedom and
democracy rely on economic liberty. A free economy is nothing
more than a system of communication. It simply cannot function
without individual rights or a profit motive, which give people an
incentive to go to work, an incentive to produce.

And it certainly cannot function without the rule of law,
without fair and enforceable contracts, without laws that protect
property rights and punish fraud.

Free economies depend upon the freedom of expression, the
ability of people to exchange ideas and test out new theories. The
Soviet Union weakened itself for years by restricting the flow of
information, by outlawing devices crucial to modern
communication, such as computers and copying machines. And when
you restricted free movement, even tourist travel, you prevented
your own people from making the most of their talent. You cannot
innovate if you cannot communicate.

And, finally, a free economy demands engagement in the
economic mainstream. Adam Smith noted two centuries ago, \"Trade
enriches all who engage in it. Isolation and protectionism doom its
practitioners to degradation and want.\"

I note this today because some Soviet cities, regions, and even
republics have engaged in ruinous trade wars. The republics of this
nation have extensive bonds of trade which no one can repeal with
the stroke of a pen or the passage of a law. The vast majority of
trade conducted by Soviets companies, imports and exports,
involves, as you know better than I, trade between republics.

The Nine-Plus-One agreement holds forth the hope that
republics will combine greater autonomy with greater voluntary
interaction--political, social, cultural, economic--rather than
pursuing the hopeless course of isolation.

And so American investors and businessmen look forward to
doing business in the Soviet Union, including the Ukraine. We've
signed agreements this week that will encourage further
interaction between the US and all levels of the Soviet Union. But,
ultimately, our trade relations will depend upon our ability to
develop a common language, a common language of commerce--
currencies that communicate with one another, laws that protect
innovators and entrepreneurs, bonds of understanding and trust.

It should be obvious that the ties between our nations grow
stronger every single day. I set forth a presidential initiative that
is providing badly needed medical aid to the Soviet Union, and this
aid expresses American solidarity with the Soviet peoples during a
time of hardship and suffering. And it has supplied facilities in Kiev
that are treating victims of Chernobyl. You should know that
America's heart, the hearts of all, went out to the people here at
the time of Chernobyl.

We have sent teams to help you improve upon the safety of
Ukrainian nuclear plants and coal mines. We've also increased the
number of cultural exchanges with the republics, including more
extensive legal, academic, and cultural exchanges between America
and Ukraine.

We understand that you cannot reform your system overnight.
America's first system of government, the Continental Congress,
failed because the states were too suspicious of one another and
the central government too weak to protect commerce and
individual rights. In 200 years we have learned that freedom,
democracy, and economic liberty are more than terms of inspiration.
They're more than words. They are challenges.

Your great poet Shevchenko noted, \"Only in your own house can
you have your truth, your strength and freedom.\" No society ever
achieves perfect democracy, liberty, or enterprise. If it makes full
use of its peoples' virtues and abilities, it can use these goals as
guides to a better life.

And now, as Soviet citizens try to forge a new social compact,
you have the obligation to restore power to citizens demoralized by
decades of totalitarian rule. You have to give them hope and
inspiration, determination, by showing your faith in their abilities.
Societies that don't trust themselves or their people cannot provide
freedom. They can guarantee only the bleak tyranny of suspicion,
avarice, and poverty.

An old Ukrainian proverb says, \"When you enter a great
enterprise, free your soul from weakness.\"

The peoples of the USSR have entered a great enterprise, full
of courage and vigor. I've come here today to say we support those
who explore the frontiers of freedom. We will join these reformers
on the path to what we call, appropriately call, a new world order.

You're the leaders. You are the participants in the political
process. And I go home to an active political process. So if you saw
me waving like mad from my limousine, it was in the thought that
maybe some of those people along the line were people from
Philadelphia or Pittsburgh or Detroit, where so many Ukrainian
Americans live, where so many Ukrainian Americans are with me in
the remarks I've made here today.

This has been a great experience for Barbara and me to be
here. We salute you. We salute the changes that we see. I
remember the French expression, vive la difference, and I see
different churnings around this chamber, and that's exactly the way
it ought to be. One guy wants this and another one that. That's the
way the process works when you're open and free, competing with
ideas to see who's going to emerge correct and who can do the most
for the people in Ukraine.

And so for us, this has been a wonderful trip, albeit far too
short. And may I simply say may God bless the people of Ukraine.
Thank you very, very much.
\"На гербі зображено ведмедя. В одній руці у ведмедя молоток, а в другій - балалайка. Це символізує працелюбність і незакомплексованість тварюки.\"
 

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Chestnut
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Повідомлення Chestnut » 12 липня 2006 15:52

The key to its success lies in understanding government's
proper role and its limits. Democracy is not a technical process
driven by dry statistics. It is the very human enterprise of
preserving freedom so that we can do the important things, the
really important things--raise families, explore our own creativity,
build good and fruitful lives. In modern societies, freedom and
democracy rely on economic liberty. A free economy is nothing
more than a system of communication. It simply cannot function
without individual rights or a profit motive, which give people an
incentive to go to work, an incentive to produce.

And it certainly cannot function without the rule of law,
without fair and enforceable contracts, without laws that protect
property rights and punish fraud.

Free economies depend upon the freedom of expression, the
ability of people to exchange ideas and test out new theories. The
Soviet Union weakened itself for years by restricting the flow of
information, by outlawing devices crucial to modern
communication, such as computers and copying machines. And when
you restricted free movement, even tourist travel, you prevented
your own people from making the most of their talent. You cannot
innovate if you cannot communicate.

And, finally, a free economy demands engagement in the
economic mainstream. Adam Smith noted two centuries ago, \"Trade
enriches all who engage in it. Isolation and protectionism doom its
practitioners to degradation and want.\"

I note this today because some Soviet cities, regions, and even
republics have engaged in ruinous trade wars. The republics of this
nation have extensive bonds of trade which no one can repeal with
the stroke of a pen or the passage of a law. The vast majority of
trade conducted by Soviets companies, imports and exports,
involves, as you know better than I, trade between republics.

The Nine-Plus-One agreement holds forth the hope that
republics will combine greater autonomy with greater voluntary
interaction--political, social, cultural, economic--rather than
pursuing the hopeless course of isolation.

And so American investors and businessmen look forward to
doing business in the Soviet Union, including the Ukraine. We've
signed agreements this week that will encourage further
interaction between the US and all levels of the Soviet Union. But,
ultimately, our trade relations will depend upon our ability to
develop a common language, a common language of commerce--
currencies that communicate with one another, laws that protect
innovators and entrepreneurs, bonds of understanding and trust.

It should be obvious that the ties between our nations grow
stronger every single day. I set forth a presidential initiative that
is providing badly needed medical aid to the Soviet Union, and this
aid expresses American solidarity with the Soviet peoples during a
time of hardship and suffering. And it has supplied facilities in Kiev
that are treating victims of Chernobyl. You should know that
America's heart, the hearts of all, went out to the people here at
the time of Chernobyl.

We have sent teams to help you improve upon the safety of
Ukrainian nuclear plants and coal mines. We've also increased the
number of cultural exchanges with the republics, including more
extensive legal, academic, and cultural exchanges between America
and Ukraine.

We understand that you cannot reform your system overnight.
America's first system of government, the Continental Congress,
failed because the states were too suspicious of one another and
the central government too weak to protect commerce and
individual rights. In 200 years we have learned that freedom,
democracy, and economic liberty are more than terms of inspiration.
They're more than words. They are challenges.

Your great poet Shevchenko noted, \"Only in your own house can
you have your truth, your strength and freedom.\" No society ever
achieves perfect democracy, liberty, or enterprise. If it makes full
use of its peoples' virtues and abilities, it can use these goals as
guides to a better life.

And now, as Soviet citizens try to forge a new social compact,
you have the obligation to restore power to citizens demoralized by
decades of totalitarian rule. You have to give them hope and
inspiration, determination, by showing your faith in their abilities.
Societies that don't trust themselves or their people cannot provide
freedom. They can guarantee only the bleak tyranny of suspicion,
avarice, and poverty.

An old Ukrainian proverb says, \"When you enter a great
enterprise, free your soul from weakness.\"

The peoples of the USSR have entered a great enterprise, full
of courage and vigor. I've come here today to say we support those
who explore the frontiers of freedom. We will join these reformers
on the path to what we call, appropriately call, a new world order.

You're the leaders. You are the participants in the political
process. And I go home to an active political process. So if you saw
me waving like mad from my limousine, it was in the thought that
maybe some of those people along the line were people from
Philadelphia or Pittsburgh or Detroit, where so many Ukrainian
Americans live, where so many Ukrainian Americans are with me in
the remarks I've made here today.

This has been a great experience for Barbara and me to be
here. We salute you. We salute the changes that we see. I
remember the French expression, vive la difference, and I see
different churnings around this chamber, and that's exactly the way
it ought to be. One guy wants this and another one that. That's the
way the process works when you're open and free, competing with
ideas to see who's going to emerge correct and who can do the most
for the people in Ukraine.

And so for us, this has been a wonderful trip, albeit far too
short. And may I simply say may God bless the people of Ukraine.
Thank you very, very much.
\"На гербі зображено ведмедя. В одній руці у ведмедя молоток, а в другій - балалайка. Це символізує працелюбність і незакомплексованість тварюки.\"
 

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Chestnut
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Повідомлення Chestnut » 12 липня 2006 15:53

Your great poet Shevchenko noted, \"Only in your own house can
you have your truth, your strength and freedom.\" No society ever
achieves perfect democracy, liberty, or enterprise. If it makes full
use of its peoples' virtues and abilities, it can use these goals as
guides to a better life.

And now, as Soviet citizens try to forge a new social compact,
you have the obligation to restore power to citizens demoralized by
decades of totalitarian rule. You have to give them hope and
inspiration, determination, by showing your faith in their abilities.
Societies that don't trust themselves or their people cannot provide
freedom. They can guarantee only the bleak tyranny of suspicion,
avarice, and poverty.

An old Ukrainian proverb says, \"When you enter a great
enterprise, free your soul from weakness.\"

The peoples of the USSR have entered a great enterprise, full
of courage and vigor. I've come here today to say we support those
who explore the frontiers of freedom. We will join these reformers
on the path to what we call, appropriately call, a new world order.

You're the leaders. You are the participants in the political
process. And I go home to an active political process. So if you saw
me waving like mad from my limousine, it was in the thought that
maybe some of those people along the line were people from
Philadelphia or Pittsburgh or Detroit, where so many Ukrainian
Americans live, where so many Ukrainian Americans are with me in
the remarks I've made here today.

This has been a great experience for Barbara and me to be
here. We salute you. We salute the changes that we see. I
remember the French expression, vive la difference, and I see
different churnings around this chamber, and that's exactly the way
it ought to be. One guy wants this and another one that. That's the
way the process works when you're open and free, competing with
ideas to see who's going to emerge correct and who can do the most
for the people in Ukraine.

And so for us, this has been a wonderful trip, albeit far too
short. And may I simply say may God bless the people of Ukraine.
Thank you very, very much.
\"На гербі зображено ведмедя. В одній руці у ведмедя молоток, а в другій - балалайка. Це символізує працелюбність і незакомплексованість тварюки.\"
 

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Chestnut
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Повідомлення Chestnut » 12 липня 2006 15:56

Мається на увазі оця цитата:

\"Freedom is not the same as independence. Americans will not support those who seek independence in order to replace a far-off tyranny with a local despotism. They will not aid those who promote a suicidal nationalism based on ethnic hatred\" ..... \"the Nine-Plus-One agreement holds forth the hope that republics will combine greater autonomy with greater voluntary interaction ... rather than pursuing the hopeless course of isolation.\"
\"На гербі зображено ведмедя. В одній руці у ведмедя молоток, а в другій - балалайка. Це символізує працелюбність і незакомплексованість тварюки.\"
 


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